All people deserve to live with dignity and humanity, and it is only right that everyone has the freedom to be who they are and to love whom they love. And yet, this is not the case in Türkiye — among other places. We are deeply outraged by the Turkish government’s systemic campaign against the LGBTIQ+ community, which has escalated through harsher jail sentences, the silencing of civil society organizations, and the imposition of punishments for nonconformity with binary gender norms. These attacks on the LGBTIQ+ community are a stark indicator of the shrinking civic space and ongoing democratic backsliding in Türkiye. This deteriorating situation is reflected in the latest ILGA Rainbow Map, where Türkiye’s LGBTIQ+ rights record ranks among the most concerning in the region. In a recent alarming move, the Ministry of Family and Social Services sent a directive to all state institutions banning the use of gender and LGBTIQ+ concepts in national education and policymaking. The directive, which simultaneously declares 2025 the “Year of the Family” while excluding and vilifying LGBTIQ+ people, exposes a deeply exclusionary agenda. The Ministry’s decision to erase essential terms such as “gender,” “gender identity,” “LGBT,” “SOGIESC” and “comprehensive sexuality education” from public discourse constitutes a direct attack on the dignity, safety, and humanity of LGBTIQ+ people. The entire directive and the narrative it is pushing are not only dangerous, but profoundly dehumanizing. Additionally, one of the harshest anti-LGBTIQ+ laws in Europe is currently advancing through the Turkish Parliament. The bill severely restricts LGBTIQ+ expression and visibility, jeopardizes the right of trans people to marry, and permits arbitrary detention based on ambiguous allegations. These ideologically driven attacks are not without consequence. Activists are reporting a rise in suicide among LGBTIQ+ people in Türkiye, driven by the increasingly hostile political environment. No one deserves to face harm, abuse, or discrimination simply for being who they are. We stand in unwavering solidarity with the LGBTIQ+ community in Türkiye and ask allies to spread the word about the situation and call for the safety and protection of LGBTIQ+ people.   Read more: A "warning" from the Ministry of Family to its directorates against LGBTI+: “Do not use the concepts of gender, gender identity, or sexual orientation” ILGA Rainbow Map and Türkiye’s profile Press release: Turkey poised to further roll back LGBTI rights amid ongoing democratic crackdown   Credits illustration: Paul Martín del Campo (Otto Pastias)

It’s getting undeniably tougher to defend SRHR and social justice in 2025. Hungary has enacted the EU’s first ban on Pride. The UK Supreme Court has effectively ruled that transgender women don’t belong in public space. ‘Foreign agents’ laws threaten to suffocate civil society from Georgia to Kazakhstan and beyond. Progressive organisations are losing funding the world over, peaceful protest is increasingly dangerous, and conservative interference is making it nearly impossible to provide comprehensive sexuality education anywhere.    For people and organisations who have not previously been much impacted by the anti-rights backlash, the current struggle against rising regression might seem undesirably novel, an abrupt chill cast by Trump and Putin’s lengthening shadows. For others, it simply represents a continuity of the repressive conditions they have already been surviving for a long time. On International Sex Workers’ Day, 50 years since the movement-defining occupation of the Saint-Nizier church in Lyon, we recognise that sex workers are part of this latter group. They have always endured surveillance, marginalisation and criminalisation, and they have much to teach the rest of progressive society about resisting authoritarianism. Globally, sex workers face exclusion from public health systems, violent abuse by police and the destruction of their families. Their digital privacy is routinely invaded. They are denied access to banking services. Their migration status is used as leverage against them, and their professional status is used to deny them residency. Even within many spaces that claim to be feminist, it is seen as too politically risky to come out in support of them publicly and so they are frequently rejected as partners. In short, they endure conditions that echo life under fascist regimes while others enjoy the impression of safety in the same, supposedly functional, democracies.     The rest of the progressive universe should care about this, deeply, first and foremost because sex workers are human beings. Now, though, it is also becoming painfully obvious that what began as the targeted repression of sex workers has expanded into a wider assault on rights and freedoms across other movements. Shadowbanning sex workers on Meta’s platforms paved the way for censorship of LGTBQ+ voices, reproductive health advocates and feminist organisers. Policing sex work in online spaces has helped normalise state intrusion into every corner of our digital lives. Persistent refusal to acknowledge sex work as work has convinced the public that bodily autonomy and labour rights are in fact conditional, only to be enjoyed by certain groups. This in turn has made us more vulnerable to believing the right-wing fictions that there are good and bad abortions, or that some types of workers don’t deserve health insurance.  None of our fights are separate. They are part of the same political story about whether we get to make decisions about our own bodies and lives. Backlashes against sex worker rights, abortion rights and all other sexual and reproductive rights rest on the same tactics of repression: criminalisation dressed up as protection; narratives of victimhood instrumentalised to justify coercion; and the denial of autonomy and agency, especially for anyone who defies dominant norms. Many IPPF Member Associations and partners in Europe and Central Asia are therefore seeking to deepen their work alongside sex worker movements, learning from their leadership and recognising our struggles are all interconnected: In Poland, sex worker-led groups are connecting people to reproductive care and legal advice; In North Macedonia, cross-movement cooperation ensures self-testing for HIV and PrEP distribution are reaching communities the government has abandoned; In France and the Netherlands, sex workers are rising to the challenge of reframing public narratives about consent, labour, and dignity; And in Norway, broad new coalitions are emerging that unite sex worker rights with labour rights, LGBTQI+ rights, and the truly inclusive kind of feminist organising we need more than ever.  Examples shared at our recent IPPF EN-ESWA regional strategy meeting reaffirm that there are many tangible steps that progressive actors can take, across a broad scale of engagement, to build on this work and offer real solidarity: Raise knowledge among staff and leadership on messages from the sex work movement; Share available infrastructure, like office premises and phone lines; Hire people with lived experience of sex work across all levels, not only in outreach roles; Consider serving as fiscal sponsors for unregistered activist groups; Offer whatever staff time, training or resources we can to support sex workers to achieve data sovereignty, so they can collect and publish their own evidence about their own lives; And at every level, from local service providers to national and regional institutions, do our bit to end the criminalisation and exclusion that undermine sex workers’ health, safety and voice. It all starts with resisting the easy portrayal of sex workers as passive beneficiaries of care, and instead platforming them as organisers, experts, and co-creators.  In holding the front line before many other actors even noticed the threats encroaching on all of us, sex workers have long since demonstrated solidarity in a way that the rest of the movement for SRHR and social justice now needs to step up and repay. They are targeted because their autonomy threatens the systems we are all working to dismantle - patriarchy, white supremacy, state control over our bodies. The task now is to make sure we’re in good shape to show up together - by recognising that those most frequently seen as marginal have long been leading the way.  Words by Catherine Bailey Gluckman

The European Union (EU) has been championing the promotion of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR), which are recognised as a key priority in the EU’s international development policies and instruments. The EU is also one of the main international donors for SRHR in terms of Official Development Assistance (ODA) – despite currently only dedicating a fraction of its ODA budget (less than 2%) to SRHR. And the role of the European Parliament has been pivotal in ensuring that SRHR are embedded in ambitious EU policy frameworks to promote human development, gender equality, human rights. The Parliament has also continuously defended the Union’s ODA budget from proposed cuts and called for budget to be allocated according to sustainable development priorities, rather than short-term political interests. We count on the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) to continue championing SRHR in the new parliamentary term! In our new factsheet we explain why it’s important to support SRHR, what are the remaining challenges and what can MEPs do to champion reproductive freedom, safety and dignity in EU external policies. Discover your superpowers!

IPPF EN, together with around 80 civil society organisations, healthcare professionals and academics working to advance women’s rights and the rights of LGBTI people, address letter to President von der Leyen to express our deep concern at the long delay in the publication of the European Commission Recommendation on the prevention of harmful practices against women and girls. We urge the current Commission to adopt the Recommendation swiftly or guarantee its adoption by the next Commission before 2025, in line with the clear commitments made under the Gender Equality Strategy and the LGBTIQ Equality Strategy 2020-2025. We strongly support the adoption of this Recommendation, which will provide effective guidance for Member States on ways to address various harmful practices, including those committed to in the Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025 and in the LGBTIQ Equality Strategy 2020-2025. Furthermore, we call on the Commission to ensure all forms of obstetric and gynaecological violence, mistreatment and abuse are included in this Recommendation. We strongly believe this Recommendation would fill a critical gap and make a substantial contribution towards protecting women and girls in all their diversity from all forms of harm in the EU. Please read the full letter below. 

The Norwegian government has proposed a new bill extending self-determined abortion rights from 12 weeks up to the 18th week. If the bill is passed by the Norwegian Parliament, it will mark a significant victory for sexual rights in Norway. However, this right will not be equally accessible across the country. Sex og Politikk, the Norwegian Member Association of IPPF, asserts that viability should not be a political decision and that respect for human life cannot be legislated. Sex og Politikk has been actively engaged in discussions on the new abortion law since the Government established a committee in 2022 to look into the country’s almost 50 year old abortion legislation. The organization has participated in a separate committee of feminist NGOs, closely following the development of the law and contributing to the debate. This month, Health and Care Minister Jan Christian Vestre and the government introduced proposals for a new abortion law. While welcoming this milestone in the fight for sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR), Sex og Politikk argues that the proposal needs revision on key points. Just three years ago, few would have anticipated a new abortion law in Norway. The government's proposal represents progress, but it also reveals significant weaknesses from an SRHR perspective. The law remains entrenched in outdated beliefs that abortions should only be conducted at regional hospitals. In reality, most abortions today are performed at home with medication, not through surgical interventions. Despite this, the government's proposal still limits abortion care to specialist healthcare providers, even as it calls for further investigation into the role of primary healthcare in offering abortion care. This limitation complicates access to abortion, especially for those living far from hospitals. "We need a law that simplifies, not complicates, access to abortion care," says Kjersti Augland, Assistant General Manager of Sex og Politikk. "For most women who currently undergo abortion at home after receiving medication from a hospital, direct access through primary healthcare would provide more compassionate and accessible care. The current law particularly disadvantages those living in remote areas, far from hospitals."   A Necessary and Increased Recognition Sex og Politikk supports the proposal to extend self-determination up to the 18th week, including the possibility to reduce the number of fetuses. This represents a necessary acknowledgment of a pregnant woman's right to make independent decisions about her body and life. The new law will effectively allow 98-99% of Norwegian women seeking abortions to make autonomous decisions about their bodies. Additionally, Sex og Politikk welcomes the bill's provisions that strengthen the independent right to be heard for people living with disabilities. The organization also supports the proposal that abortion should never be forced, and the right to complete a pregnancy should be legally protected.   Concerns About Statutory Discrimination Sex og Politikk is critical of the law's wording that it "must ensure respect for unborn life." The organization argues that this clause may impose guilt and shame on women rather than achieving the law’s aim to ensure the pregnant person’s right to decide over their own body without being subject to pressure. The bill also mandates follow-up medical interviews for those who have undergone an abortion. Sex og Politikk views this as statutory discrimination, as it creates unequal treatment between those who have had an abortion, those whose applications have been denied, and those who withdraw their applications. If follow-up rights are to be included, they should be available to all who need them.   Viability Should Not Be a Political Decision   Sex og Politikk also opposes the proposal to legislate a strict 22-week limit for abortion care. The organization argues that viability assessments are complex medical determinations that should be made on a case-by-case basis, not through rigid political decisions. It is inappropriate for politicians to assume the role of healthcare professionals in deciding viability. "The government's proposal is a step in the right direction toward a law that better reflects current realities and needs," concludes Kjersti Augland. "However, we believe the proposal requires revision on several key points." We will continue to follow these developments as the law makes its way through the parliament.   Illustration: Olga Mrozek for IPPF x Fine Acts

Sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) encompass all rights related to sexuality and parenthood. When SRHR are realised, people are free and able to decide if, when and with whom to have sex; they have safe, healthy, consensual, pleasurable relationships; they have the means to decide whether and when to become pregnant, continue a pregnancy, become parents, and have the number of children they want; free from discrimination, coercion and violence. SRHR are human rights, and essential to leading a free, safe and healthy life. But they are far from universally accessible. Throughout the world, and even within Europe, access to abortion and other reproductive rights varies greatly, and is subject to a broad range of restrictions. Access to care is even harder for populations who suffer from systemic and intersecting discrimination and inequalities. The European Parliament has a longstanding legacy as the EU institutions' strongest defender of SRHR, and it is vital that it continues to uphold and advance them in the new legislative term.  As an MEP, you can take many actions in a wide range of policy areas of EU competences, to advance SRHR in the next five years. Here is a collection of resources to help navigate some of the key topics related to sexual and reproductive safety and dignity. 

The structure of EU institutions in the upcoming legislature will be crucial for the degree of prioritisation given to gender equality and sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). These are our recommendations for the future of European Institutions, from the renewal of the mandate of a European Commissioner dedicated to (Gender) Equality, to the renewal the Union of Equality Agenda and all relevant Strategies, while mainstreaming SRHR in them, - to ensuring sufficient funding for gender equality and SRHR in the EU budget. Read more below.

When the Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe v. Wade in June 2022 swept away decades-long constitutional protection of abortion rights for women in the US, Europe sat up and took notice. Access to abortion care is a postcode lottery in Europe and varies greatly depending on where a person lives. It is especially hard for people from populations who suffer from systemic and intersecting discrimination and inequalities. Nevertheless, the majority of countries allow abortion on a person’s own request or on broad social grounds, at least in the first trimester of pregnancy. Against this backdrop, the overturning of Roe v. Wade triggered widespread outrage and debate over reproductive rights, as US State after State enacted restrictive legislation to revoke people’s access to essential reproductive healthcare. Extensive media coverage helped raise public awareness of the fragility of reproductive freedom, and politicians, activists and citizens in many countries, from Ireland, Belgium, Germany and The Netherlands to the UK, Luxembourg, France and Greece, spoke out and mobilised in solidarity with US women. Rights advocates were keenly aware that the US move had the potential to further embolden coercive, chauvinist forces in European countries to double down on similar strategies to attack women’s bodies, as part of efforts to undermine democracies and the rule of law. Discussions were held about steps that could be taken on this side of the Atlantic to protect and advance women’s right to bodily autonomy, now and for future generations. In the two years since the overturning of Roe, we have seen both progress and setbacks on abortion rights in Europe. The biggest and most visible triumph that can be clearly traced back to the aftermath of the Supreme Court ruling was the enshrinement of abortion rights in the French constitution, voted by an overwhelming majority of politicians from across the political spectrum on 8 March 2024. Pushed onto the agenda by feminist activists and civil society organisations, in partnership with like-minded politicians, this development has safeguarded abortion rights for the long term against meddling by anti-choice actors – something which has taken on added significance given the success of the far right in the June 2024 European elections, and imminent legislative elections in France, which may see these gains consolidated in the national parliament and lead to a change of government. The US backsliding also gave impetus to moves to advance and safeguard abortion rights – some of which were already underway - in countries including Spain, Belgium, Germany, Finland and Denmark. Still, threats to women’s lives, health and dignity persist. In Malta and Poland, access to abortion care is still extremely restricted, and although public debate and support for decriminalisation have intensified, they have not yet borne fruit in terms of better legal frameworks and access. Meanwhile, in other countries such as Hungary and Slovakia, anti-choice actors continue to employ the tactic of chipping away at existing reproductive rights.   At the EU level, Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) – traditional champions of SRHR, gender equality and human rights - spoke out in solidarity with US women having their reproductive rights snatched away. The shocking regression in the US, followed by momentum towards constitutional protection for abortion in France, turned up the volume on calls for the EU to add the right to abortion care to the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, one of its founding treaties. MEPs’ determination and support for safeguarding reproductive freedom was confirmed in April 2024 when a large majority voted to adopt a political statement calling to include abortion access in the Charter. Meanwhile, political groups from the centre and left of the political spectrum made strong commitments to defending and advancing reproductive freedom in their manifestos for the European elections in June. At this start of the new legislative term, and given the electoral success of the far right, especially in some countries, IPPF EN is committed to reminding new and returning MEPs of their institution’s proud, longstanding legacy as a champion of human rights, and their responsibility to uphold them. In the meantime, determined feminist activists, motivated in part by the overturning of Roe v. Wade, as well as by such disparity in abortion access across Europe, have recently taken things into their own hands. In April 2024, social movements in Slovenia, Poland and other countries, launched a European Citizens’ Initiative - My Voice, My Choice – to push for an EU funding mechanism to ensure access to abortion care for anyone in EU states where the national system fails to provide it. Rooted in urgent calls for solidarity between European countries, the ECI has so far been signed in record time by half a million EU citizens out of the 1 million needed. Two years on from the Supreme Court ruling, and in spite of many examples of progress on abortion rights, Europe stands at a worrying crossroads. Ultra-conservative forces in many countries and at the EU level – as in many countries around the world - have increased their hold on political power by winning popular support for chauvinist agendas that – inter alia - undermine the rights of women and people from marginalised communities. To stem this tide, it will be crucial for advocates, activists and decision-makers to come together across communities, countries and regions to ensure that all people can enjoy equal rights and lead free and safe lives, free from discrimination and violence. *** If you're an EU citizen, please sign the My Voice, My Choice call for safe and accessible abortion in Europe here. Every signature counts! Read more from IPPF global about impacts of the overturning of Roe v. Wade, 2 years on. Illustration: Tanya Shyika